Aleksandar Vučić resigned from his post as president of Serbia on Sunday, 27 September, handing over the duties to the president of the National Assembly of Serbia, Ana Brnabić, the following day. Brnabić thus becomes acting president, but under the Law on the President, she can remain in the position for a maximum of three months.
Presidential elections will be held shortly after the parliamentary elections, scheduled for 25 October, no later than the end of December. Vučić, as the head of the electoral list of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) and its coalition partners, has continued the pre-election campaign with the aim of becoming prime minister of Serbia for a third time. He has already held this post twice, between 2014 and 2016. He called for extraordinary parliamentary elections on 9 September and spent the summer visiting cities in Serbia, speaking with citizens and promising solutions to their problems. Vučić stated that he would continue the campaign as an 'ordinary citizen'.
The resignation triggered various reactions. Marinika Tepić, one of the heads of the European Serbia list, viewed Vučić’s resignation as good news, describing it as his 'capitulation'. On the other hand, political scientist Nikola Parun does not believe that much will change due to the resignation. Parun stated that Vučić will not participate in the campaign as an ordinary citizen because he is not one, and that he holds all power in the state and will lose nothing by stepping down from the presidential office. On Monday, in a conversation with citizens at Borsko Lake broadcast on his Facebook and TikTok pages, Vučić said he now finds it easier because he can comment 'freely and without restraint'.
Political consultant Dušan Milenković draws attention to the fact that SNS members have previously tried during the campaign to 'reduce the level of aggression they had displayed until recently, likely due to the assessment that this further mobilises the anti-regime front and increases turnout'. Milenković believes he would be surprised if Vučić personally increased the level of aggression, as any increase in turnout reduces their chances of staying in power. Parun, however, does not rule out more aggressive rhetoric and expects Vučić to do everything from silence to the end of the campaign. Parun stated that Vučić is of such character and will look for an incident.
On Sunday, Vučić announced that he had pardoned, or absolved, 49 people. Among those pardoned were 12 Novi Sad activists accused of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order. Vučić added that he had also pardoned 11 people who, he said, 'were on the other side involved in incidents against the blockaders'. He did not specify who the others were who would be released from criminal prosecution or leave prison as a result of his decision. The Novi Sad activists stated that they do not accept Vučić’s mercy and emphasised that a fabricated political process had been conducted against them. Parun views Vučić’s decision to pardon as 'showing kindness from a position of power'. He also stated that if there is suspicion that they wanted to overthrow the state, there is no reason to pardon them, and if there is no such suspicion, there was no reason for them to be on the run.
Before submitting his resignation, Vučić, appearing on RTS, said he would accept the election results, whatever they may be. He added that he was concerned about reports that unrest might occur on election night, but that the relevant services would uncover everything and 'do their job properly'. Milenković interprets Vučić’s statement as 'standard political communication of the progressives'. Parun estimates that unrest is certain on election night if the result is tight. Parun stated that Vučić would appear with the first results and a declared victory within the first hour. From that moment, he expects a crisis in which Vučić, as well as other interested parties and services, will seek their chance.
Milenković notes that the development of events from the calling of the elections to date supports the assessment that the Student List could finish in first place. He adds that the European Serbia list will, by all accounts, finish below the electoral threshold. The NADA coalition (New Democratic Party of Serbia and the Movement for the Restoration of the Kingdom of Serbia) is entering the elections under the name Authentic Right. Milenković says that NADA and Authentic Right were in even worse shape than European Serbia. He also notes that the decision of the right-wing movement We Are the Strength of the Nation not to enter the elections benefited the NADA coalition, but believes that NADA will still struggle to cross the electoral threshold.
Parun believes that both the Student List and the SNS have the electoral potential to win. He stated that it is certain that there will be high turnout, and the higher it is, the less it will suit Vučić and the more it will suit the list nominated by the rebel students. Citizens of Serbia will be asked to elect the president of the state no more than a month after the parliamentary elections. Milenković says that the SNS is certainly prepared, as is the Student List, which acts as the most prepared actor in Serbian politics today. He expects that the SNS and the Student List will lead the key duel and enter the second round. Milenković says that in the second round, it is hard to imagine that the regime’s candidate, whoever it may be, will win.
